He has a $25 million bounty on his head. He’s also a key US partner.

Venezuela interim President Delcy Rodriguez in Caracas, Venezuela, April 30, 2026. A list of alleged crimes has not prevented Diosdado Cabello, and other Venezuelan officials, from working with a U.S. government that once hounded them. (Todd Heisler/The New York Times)

By ANATOLY KURMANAEV

The United States has put a $25 million bounty on his head. Federal prosecutors say he trafficked tons of cocaine. The U.S. Treasury imposed sanctions for embezzlement and the U.N. accuses him of terrorizing opponents.

Still, a lengthy resume of alleged wrongdoing has not kept Diosdado Cabello, a top Venezuelan government minister, from working closely with senior U.S. officials — a relationship that has become more public following two major earthquakes.

A senior U.S. diplomat shook Cabello’s hand and patted him on the shoulder at a public event this month. U.S. generals sat across from him at a meeting the next day, and were photographed laughing with him before the gathering began.

Cabello’s overnight transformation from a top U.S. target into a tolerated, even accepted, partner has arguably been the most unexpected result of the Trump administration’s military intervention in Venezuela in January.

To supporters of U.S. policy, the accommodation with Cabello is a pragmatic concession to achieve greater stability in Venezuela. To President Donald Trump’s opponents, Cabello’s enduring prominence in power is the most glaring example of the administration’s betrayal of the Venezuelan people’s desire for political change.

The raid by U.S. Special Forces in January that toppled Venezuela’s president, Nicolás Maduro, turned the country into a de facto U.S. protectorate.

To control Venezuela, the Trump administration has chosen to work with officials in Maduro’s autocratic regime rather than the pro-democracy opposition. As a result, many of the most infamous enforcers of the fallen leader’s repressive apparatus have been reintegrated into a new, U.S.-sponsored government.

The back-to-back earthquakes that devastated Venezuela last month have only deepened the Trump administration’s cooperation with Maduro’s inner circle.

U.S. officials have declared their unequivocal support for the interim president, Delcy Rodríguez, and rushed aid and hundreds of soldiers to assist in rescue and reconstruction efforts.

In practice, that has created a jarring dynamic — many Venezuelan officials who deal daily with American counterparts are wanted by the United States on criminal charges or have been banned from doing business with Americans by the U.S. government.

In some cases, Trump administration officials now work with Venezuelans targeted by other Trump officials during the U.S. president’s current or previous administration.

Take the case of Cabello, a founding member of the Socialist Party, which has ruled Venezuela for the past three decades. Widely seen as one of Venezuela’s most powerful men, Cabello kept his post as the country’s interior minister after the U.S. raid. Since then, he has embraced his new role as a promoter of American interests.

But Cabello is also a defendant in a drug trafficking case that U.S. prosecutors have brought against Maduro, who awaits trial in a New York City jail. An indictment says Cabello “worked with other members of the Venezuelan regime to coordinate the shipment” of 5 1/2 tons of cocaine from Venezuela.

The U.S. Treasury separately imposed sanctions on Cabello for corruption during Trump’s first term. The U.N. has accused Cabello of being one of the leaders of Venezuela’s repression apparatus.

In addition, the Chilean government accuses Cabello of ordering the assassination in 2024 of an exiled Venezuelan dissident in Santiago, the Chilean capital. The Chilean prosecutor leading the case, Héctor Barros, said in a statement that his office is seeking to bring Cabello to justice, but added that the case is complicated by Venezuela’s extradition restrictions.

A spokesperson for Cabello did not respond to requests for comment.

The State Department lists Cabello as a “wanted” criminal and offers $25 million “for information leading to the arrest and/or conviction.”

Cabello, nevertheless, is prominently involved in his government’s earthquake response with the United States.

He toured a disaster zone this month with John Barrett, the head of the U.S. Embassy in Venezuela. A video posted by the Los Angeles Fire Department, which had helped with rescue efforts, showed Barrett shaking Cabello’s hand and patting him on the shoulder.

Barrett evaded the question when asked at a news conference if the bounty on Cabello remained in place.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio was asked the same question during a news conference in May and said: “The U.S. policy on this issue has not changed.”

The State Department did not provide an on-the-record comment.

Cabello, once an ardent foe of the United States, has drastically shifted his rhetoric and moved to reshape his public image since Maduro’s downfall. His transformation is driven by an overriding goal — to be useful to Americans, and in doing so, play a constructive part in his country’s new phase, people who know him said.

After decades of diatribes against American imperialism, he has dropped any criticism of Washington and traded his usual garish red shirts and paramilitary outfits for more somber attire, including an occasional suit and tie.

Months after warning that a U.S. attack on Venezuela would result in “another Vietnam,” he has been promoting military cooperation with Washington.

Cabello’s extensive influence among Venezuela’s military and security forces has earned him a spot in the country’s informal ruling clique. He effectively shares power with Rodríguez and her brother, Jorge Rodríguez, the leader of congress. All three are longtime Maduro lieutenants.

Political analysts have called the arrangement the triumvirate, with Cabello responsible for maintaining domestic security and stability.

Cabello also exerts influence among numerous pro-government paramilitary groups. Since a brief show of force in the week following Maduro’s capture, these groups have largely stayed away from Venezuelan streets, a development some analysts attribute to Cabello’s instructions.

Cabello is attempting to extend his power by promoting his daughter, Daniella Cabello, as a ruling party candidate in future elections, according to several people close to the Venezuelan government. He and his allies have argued that Daniella Cabello, 30, the tourism minister, would fare better than the unpopular Rodríguez, these people said.

They discussed sensitive topics on condition of anonymity.

Cabello’s future remains precarious even as he assumes a more prominent public role. He risks being arrested if Washington’s plans for Venezuela change.

Inside the triumvirate, Cabello has proved a valuable partner to Rodríguez and her brother. For now a longtime ruling party rivalry between the siblings and Cabello has been set aside by a mutual desire to maintain power under U.S. pressure. But that has not resulted in mutual trust, the people close to the government said.